Rafaelle Sanzio c. 1510 |
GOODIES AND BADDIES
The idea of "humanitarian intervention" which is behind the decision to attack in Libya is one of the central beliefs of our age.
It divides people. Some see it as a noble, disinterested use of Western power. Others see it as a smokescreen for a latter-day liberal imperialism.
I want to tell the story of how this idea originated and how it has grown up to possess the minds of a generation of liberal men and women in Europe and America.
It is the story of a generation who became disenchanted with traditional power politics. They thought they could leap over the old corrupt structures of power and connect directly with the innocent victims of war around the world.
It was a grand utopian project that began in the mid-60s in Africa and flourished and spread across the world. But in the 1990s it became corrupted by the very thing it was supposed to have transcended - western power politics.
And the idea seemed to have died in horror in a bombing of a hotel in Baghdad in 2003.
What we now see is the return of that dream in a ghostly, half-hearted form - where the confidence and hopes have been replaced by a nervous anxiety.

This modern phase of humanitarian intervention begins in 1968 with the Biafran war. It is a fascinating moment because it is where the framework - the contemporary filter through which we now perceive all humanitarian tragedies - was first constructed.
The Eastern part of Nigeria had declared independence and called their new state Biafra. In response the Nigerian army attacked the rebel government. Things went very badly for the Biafrans, but no-one in the West cared. While the British government happily sold lots of arms to the Nigerians.
But then the Biafran government found a very odd Public Relations firm in Geneva, called MarkPress who set out to change the way people in Europe saw the war.
I have discovered a great documentary in the BBC archive which tells what then happened. It is shot inside the PR company's offices and interviews the men running the campaign.
It shows how they turned a war that people saw simply as a political conflict in a faraway land into something heart-wrenching and dramatic.
It became a moral battle between evil politicians in Nigeria - aided by cynical and corrupt politicians in London who were selling the arms - and the innocent victims of the starvation caused by the war.
Here is an extract.
The British newspapers went for it in a big way. And a new movement grew up. It was driven by moral outrage, fuelled by a disgust with the old British political class who were prolonging the suffering through arms sales.
Celebrities joined in. They held a 48 hour fast in Piccadilly Circus over Christmas. Here are some frame grabs from the news report. The one that shows what was really happening is the placard that says BATTLE OF BRITAIN 1940 - BIAFRA '69.
The conflict was being fitted to the template that was going to define the whole movement. It was the Good War. A justified resistance against evil to protect the innocent wherever they were being threatened in the world.
Just like the struggle against fascism in the Second World War.

But Biafra also revealed the terrible dangers of this simplified view of wars - dangers that would always haunt the humanitarian movement.
Here is an extract from a very good Timewatch programme about Biafra made in the early 90s. It has journalists telling how they took what Biafra's PR agency had started - and went much further. They created the new image that was going to define the future coverage of all these humanitarian crises - the starving child.
But the programme also makes a strong case that the aid that resulted from the wave of sympathy that these images created had a terrible unforeseen consequence. It prolonged a futile war for a further 18 months - and thus contributed to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people.
Many in the aid agencies have denied this. But the programme includes the rebel Biafran leader, Colonel Ojukwu, saying clearly that he used the hard currency he got from the agencies to buy the weapons he needed to continue fighting.
Out of Biafra was going to come a new idea of how to save the world. And the man who would create it was a young French doctor called Bernard Kouchner.
Kouchner had worked for the Red Cross in Biafra, but he had become disgusted by the Red Cross' refusal to publicise the genocide created by the Nigerian government.
Just as the Red Cross hadn't revealed the horrors they saw in World War Two in the Nazi concentration camps because they insisted on being "neutral"
Kouchner resigned and went back to Paris where he founded a new humanitarian organisation called Medecins Sans Frontieres. Being neutral, Kouchner said, really meant being complicit in the horror. And MSF would never be complicit. It was on the side of the innocent victims.
Here is Kouchner explaining what he did
Kouchner - and many of the others who founded MSF - had been Marxist or Maoist revolutionaries, but they had become disenchanted with those utopian visions. And what they were doing was reworking the politics of third world liberation into a new form.
It was a type of liberation that they believed went beyond the politics of left and right and instead was about saving individuals from the horrors of totalitarianism whether that came from the right or the left.
They weren't going to be neutral. They were going to take sides. But it was the side of the victims - because they were neutral.
Their first slogan was "There are no good and bad victims".
And in 1979 Kouchner dramatically demonstrated this belief. He hired a ship to go and rescue the Vietnamese boat people who were fleeing the communist regime who now ruled Vietnam.
The left - and many liberals - were shocked. Because these were "bad victims". Victims of the noble anti-imperialists who had defeated America.
But Joan Baez supported him.
Here is part of a film made in the early 1980 that tells the story of his rescue of the boat people. It was filmed on the ship Kouchner hired. You also get a very good sense of Kouchner's drive and his beliefs.
There is a great scene as the MSF ship arrives on a tiny Island. The Europeans stride weeping onto the jetty as they are applauded as heroes by the thousands of boat people stranded on the island.
At the same time as the humanitarian movement was rising up, so too were the new despots that were going to become some of the main targets for this new idealism.
Many of them - like Pol Pot, Saddam Hussein, and Muammar Gadaffi - were also, in a strange way, products of the failure of the Communist dream. Like Kouchner they too were trying to rework revolutionary theory - but in their case with horrific results.
I have found a sort of fly-on-the-wall documentary made in 1976 which follows Muammar Gadaffi around as he goes about ruling Libya.
One highlight is a section with his mother and father who still live in a tent out in the desert. Mrs Gadaffi explains how her son has insisted that they must remain living in their old tent until every other Libyan is properly housed in a modern apartment.
I wonder if they ever got out.
The documentary makes it clear how repressive and brutal Gadaffi's regime is. How he has locked up and tortured thousands of his opponents.
But then it takes a fascinating turn. The interviewer asks Gadaffi to explain why he has sent Libyan troops to fight with the Palestinians against Israel, and why he has sent in Libyan agents to try and overthrow President Sadat of Egypt.
In response Gadaffi launches into an explanation that countries like Libya have a duty to intervene in other nations where the ordinary people are being oppressed by autocrats or oppressive governments - and help free them. That includes helping to liberate Egypt and Tunisia.
But it also means, he says, that politicians like him are justified in intervening in Northern Ireland to help the Provisional IRA. Because they are oppressed by the British government
They too are victims.
What Gadaffi was arguing was a strange mirror image of the theory that Kouchner and the other ex-leftists in Europe were developing.
For they too were heading towards the idea of "armed intervention".
In the 1980s the humanitarian movement was flourishing - above all in Afghanistan. But in Afghanistan the movement also came up against a big political problem.
Men and women from what was now called "the doctors' movement" went in over the mountains to help the victims of the Soviet attacks. They were brave and daring and they saved the lives of many Afghan civilians.
But they also helped the Mujaheddin. Under the theory of the humanitarian movement this was fine. The Mujaheddin were resisting the Soviet totalitarianism. They were victims fighting back so it was morally right to help them.
But others didn't see it that way.
Here is video of the trial in Kabul in 1983 of a French doctor who had been captured by the Afghan army.
He is called Philippe Augoyard. He worked for Aide Medicale Internationale - which was another version of MSF. The trial is absurd - and in the tradition of all communist show trials the doctor reads out a "confession" and admits to "working with the counter-revolutionary bandits".
But there is also another part of his confession that was both true and embarrassing for all the ex-Marxists and Maoists in the humanitarian movement. The mujaheddin they were helping were backed, funded and armed by the Americans.
Which meant they were helping American global imperialism.
Incidentally, the video is shot by my hero. He is a cameraman called Erik Durschmied. He is the best cameraman who has ever worked for the BBC - and I am constantly using his stuff in my films.
But then a group of French philosophers came to the rescue. They came up with a theory that said it wasn't bad to work with American military power. In fact, if the humanitarians could harness America's armed might, they could use it to change the world in a revolutionary way.
The philosophers were led by another ex-Maoist called Andre Glucksmann. He had turned against the left and had developed his own theory which he called "anti-totalitariansm". Here is a picture of Glucksmann relaxing in 1978.

Getty Images/Roger Viollet
But he wasn't alone. Glucksmann was part of a group of intellectuals that rose up in France in the late 1970s called the New Philosophers. They saw Bernard Kouchner as an action hero putting their ideas into practice. Another prominent one was the glamorous Bernard-Henri Levy. Here he is with an interesting haircut.

Corbis/Richard Melloul
Glucksmann put it in stark terms. Everything that oppressed people around the world he called "Auschwitz". Even famines were called "Auschwitz".
It was the ghost of the Second World War again.
Glucksmann then said that people with power had a right to intervene in other societies to prevent "Auschwitzes". And that included using American power.
Maybe, he said, power exercised by the strong was not always oppression. If it was used decently it could liberate the oppressed.
And - Glucksmann said - this didn't just mean medical help. It included "armed resistance".
And then came the massacre at Srebrenica in July 1995 - which seemed to prove Glucksmann's theory in a dramatic way.

When the Bosnian crisis began in 1992 humanitarian groups and the UN came in to try and help the victims of Serb aggression.
But they quickly began to realise they were being used by western governments as a way of containing a crisis that the politicians did not want to get involved with.
The journalist David Rieff wrote
"The idea was simple, coarse and brutal. Instead of political action backed by the credible threat of military force, the Western powers would substitute a massive humanitarian effort to alleviate the worst consequences of a conflict they wanted to contain
'Containment through charity' was the way one UN official put it."
And then at Srebrenica thousands of civilians gathered together in the enclave - believing they were under international protection. But when the Serbian troops led by General Mladic marched in, the UN troops did nothing. The promise of protection had simply made it easier for the Serbs to kill over 8,000 people.
Here is an extract from a brilliant Panorama programme about the massacre. It includes notorious footage shot by a Serb cameraman on the day of the massacre. It is notorious because he allegedly edited out shots that show evidence of the killings.
But you get a sense from the footage of the impotence of the UN Dutch soldiers. It is the record of a terrible moment of moral failure.
It begins with thousands of Bosnians fleeing Srebrenica for what they think is the safety of the UN camp outside town.
One of the UN's special envoys in Bosnia, Jose Maria Mendiluce realised that Glucksmann was right:
"You don't reply to fascism with relief supplies. Only if we stop being neutral between murderers and victims, if we decide to back Bosnia's fight for life against the fascist horror of ethnic cleansing, shall we be able to contribute to the survival of the remnants of that country and of our own dignity."
And then a few months later American air power - under the command of NATO - was used to force the Serbs to negotiate a peace. Almost no-one disagreed. It was a Good War in which the left-wing humanitarians were now allied with their old imperialist enemy - America.
Out of Srebrenica came a strange new hybrid - a humanitarian militarism. And in the 1990s it rose up to capture the imagination of a generation on the left in Europe.
Ever since the collapse of the left in the early 1980s they had been searching for a new vision of how to change the world for the better. Now they found it - a humanitarianism that had the power to right wrongs around the world rather than just alleviate them.
It even had French philosophers behind it.
And one of that generation who was most entranced was Tony Blair, and in 1999 he took this humanitarianism to its moment of greatest triumph.
Here are the rushes of Tony Blair arriving to a hero's welcome in Kosovo in May 1999. Blair had persuaded a reluctant President Clinton to join in a NATO bombing campaign to stop Serbian atrocities in Kosovo and had stuck with it even when it seemed to be failing.
Blair's arrival and his speech at a Kosovan refugee camp on the Macedonian border is an extraordinary scene. It is also a very important moment in recent history. Watch Blair's face closely as he walks through the adoring crowd chanting "Tony, Tony, Tony"and you understand some of why he would take Britain to war in Iraq four years later.
It is also eerily reminiscent of Kouchner and the other doctors arriving on the South Sea Island to rescue the Vietnamese Boat people exactly twenty years before.
It was also a moment of triumph for Bernard Kouchner. He became the head of the interim administration in Kosovo - and he set out to create a new democracy.
Many of his staff were leftist revolutionaries from 1968. Even one of the NATO commanders had fought on the streets of Paris.
But Kouchner quickly discovered that victims could be very bad. There was an extraordinary range of ethnic groups in Kosovo.
There were:
Muslim Albanians
Orthodox Serbs
Roman Catholic Serbs
Serbian-speaking Muslim Egyptians
Albanian-speaking Muslim Gypsies - Ashkalis
Albanian-speaking Christian Gypsies - Goranis
And even - Pro-Serbian Turkish-speaking Turks
Muslim Albanians
Orthodox Serbs
Roman Catholic Serbs
Serbian-speaking Muslim Egyptians
Albanian-speaking Muslim Gypsies - Ashkalis
Albanian-speaking Christian Gypsies - Goranis
And even - Pro-Serbian Turkish-speaking Turks
They all had vendettas with each other - which meant that they were both victims and horrible victimizers at the same time.
It began to be obvious that getting rid of evil didn't always lead to the simple triumph of goodness.
Which became horribly clear in Iraq in 2003.
Kouchner and many of the other humanitarian interventionists were wary of backing the invasion. They distrusted the Bush administration and suspected they and their ideas were being used as cover. But they also believed in removing Saddam Hussein because it was a chance to liberate millions of people from the oppression of a "fascist" tyrant.
Following the invasion many of those who had worked under Kouchner in Kosovo went to Baghdad to set up the United Nations presence there. They were led by another humanitarian, a Brazilian ex-leftist from the 1960s, Sergio Viero de Mello.
They set up their operations in the Canal Street Hotel in Baghdad. But then on August 19th - in the middle of a press conference - this happened.
A vast truck bomb had been driven right under the window of Sergio de Mello's office. He and 21 others were killed.
No one knows for sure who was behind the bombing but it was clear that de Mello and the humanitarians had been deliberately targeted.
Many in the humanitarian-intervention movement saw the Canal Hotel bombing as the beginning of the end of their dream. Because it dramatically illustrated how naive they had been.
The movement had begun back in Biafra because a group of young idealists wanted to escape from the old corrupt power politics. To do this they had simplified the world into a moral struggle between good and evil.
They believed that if they could destroy the evil - by liberating victims from oppression by despots - then what would result would be, automatically, good.
But the problem with this simple view was that it meant they had no critical framework by which to judge the "victims" they were helping. And the Baghdad bombing made it clear that some of the victims were very bad indeed - and that the humanitarians' actions might actually have helped unleash another kind of evil.

The same truth has become obvious in Kosovo too.
Last year a Swiss prosecutor produced a report for the Council of Europe which alleged that the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci was not only a mafia boss, a murderer and a drug dealer, and alleged that he was also involved with a group that killed Serbian prisoners and then sold their organs for illegal transplants.
Hashim Thaci denies all the allegations
And it has also been alleged that Mr Thaci rigged the recent elections "on an industrial scale"

But quite a few people still believe in the dream.
Samantha Power was a journalist in Bosnia and a close friend of Sergio Viera de Mello. She is now a Special Assistant to President Obama. Power is a passionate advocate of humanitarian intervention - and by all accounts she is the person who most persuaded a reluctant President Obama to intervene in Libya.

Associated Press/Charles Dharapak
And Bernard Kouchner also supports the Libyan intervention.
But there is a general wariness and nervousness about the return of the old dream of armed intervention. Above all because we realise that humanitarian interventionism offers us no political way to judge who it is we are helping in Libya - and thus what the real consequences of our actions might be.
Even if one's instincts are to help those fighting Gadaffi, it is no longer enough just to see it as a struggle of goodies against baddies. For it is precisely that simplification that has led to unreal fantasies about who we are fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Fantasies that persist today, and which our leaders still cling to - because they give the illusion that we are in control.
But the French philosophers are still very vocal. Here is Bernard-Henri Levy on Newsnight claiming he helped persuade President Sarkozy to intervene in Libya.
As you watch him - you get a sense that you are looking at something rather odd, a simplification of the world that was very much a product of a strange moment in history.
Rather like Mr Levy's hair-style.
***
2. The Sniper Syndrome.
Color Revolution's Mystery GunmenCui Bono?
By Tony Cartalucci
April 23, 2011 "Information Clearing House" ---- Bangkok, Thailand April 24, 2011 - Imagine you are an embattled regime fighting against a rising tide offoreign-funded protesters. The entire world is watching, one nation is already under creeping foreign invasion for "waging war against his own people," your nation has been warned that it is next and has been on a 20 year waiting list for regime change, and your opposition is gathering to bury dead protesters from a recent clash with security forces. What do you do?
Stage concealed snipers in multiple buildings and randomly shoot at mourners ensuring a very public, internationally sensationalized bloodbath that will unequivocally escalate both the protests and international pressure? Bashar al-Assad's regime hasn't ruled Syria for so long because they were careless or foolish. And while regimes could stay in power decades ago through unyielding brutality, often sanctioned by tacitly complicit western partners, regimes today realize the value of finesse and accountability in a new age of humanitarian-justified imperialism.
AlJazeera's article, "'Nine killed' at Syria funeral processions," once again relies solely on eyewitness accounts, many of which are claimed to be "anonymous," to tell the story of a brutal Syrian government crackdown. After AlJazeera's blatant lies and exaggerations during the Egyptian protests, rivaled only by BBC's intellectual dishonesty, these reports must be taken with a grain of salt. However, as with the recent massacres in Yemen and previous funeral processions in Syria, protesters cited mysterious snipers, assumed to be government forces, on rooftops randomly shooting at mourners gathered around the country. The government maintains that"an unknown "armed group" on rooftops shot at protesters and security forces."
AlJazeera also included in the article a report from one of their correspondents on the ground who stated, "[People marching on an overpass] were met with a hail of gunfire, many people certainly wounded directly in front of us, cars turned around, and I can tell you it was an incredibly chaotic scene, and it seems as though pretty much everyone down here in the southern part of the country is now carrying weapons. It is unclear who was firing at whom, that's part of the confusion ... but clearly a very violent incident now being carried out here in the south of the country." Though cryptic, it seems to corroborate the government's assertion that they are not the only ones with guns.
A Reuters report recently quoted a "rights activist" in Syria saying of the violence, "today we will have the funerals, we are worried that during the funerals more blood will be spilt which will provoke more protests and more death. This is becoming like a snowball and getting bigger and bigger every week. Anger is rising, the street is boiling." During the next demonstrations more are likely to be killed, funerals will be held, mystery gunmen will show up shooting mourners and the cycle continues repeating itself, some might hope, until enough anger and momentum creates conditions within the Assad regime to force it to step down or invites armed insurrection and foreign intervention as seen in Libya and in the Ivory Coast.
Perhaps this is an overly cynical analysis, as it may just be a coincidence that two regimes, Syria and Yemen, were forced into tenuous positions and just so happened to both grievously miscalculate and deploy snipers to randomly shoot at protesters, further agitating them, and inviting further scorn and pressure from the globalists, eager to oust them. But even mainstream media stories seem to pick up on the fact that these "massacres" do more harm than good and do not serve Assad's best interests.
The Sydney Morning Herald article title, "Bloodbath New Threat to Assad" is clear enough. It states that the recent crackdowns have left the regime "staggering." Additionally, it invited "stern" criticism from Obama stating, "'instead of listening to their own people, President Assad is blaming outsiders while seeking Iranian assistance in repressing Syria's citizens through the same brutal tactics that have been used by his Iranian allies.'' Ironically, Assad's assessment that protests are foreign-funded is spot on and Iran's crackdown was also against foreign-funded subversion.
Of course this is not the first time mystery gunmen have showed up at foreign-funded color revolutions to provoke further unrest or attempt to extort a resignation from a government. There is one instructive example where not only is evidence available, but confessions as well. That this example is also a foreign-funded color revolution lends credence to the possibility that these mystery gunmen in Syria and Yemen are provocateurs following a similar playbook, seeking to escalate violence and unrest until regime change is achieved or foreign intervention is justified. By studying this example, we can better discern the cryptic, unverified reports coming from the increasingly violent "Arab Spring," and possibly take this grisly tool out of the hands of the corporate-financier oligarchs.
Mystery Gunmen Revealed
After days of trying to goad Thai security forces into a violent crackdown on globalist Thaksin Shinawatra's red shirts, protest leaders literally called on their own rank and file to donate blood to be spilled on key government buildings throughout Thailand's capital of Bangkok. This grisly display would foreshadow protest leaders' plans, unbeknown to even their own followers. On April 10, 2010, after the Thai military shut down Thaksin's propaganda network, protest leaders brought 200 men to the gates of Bangkok's 1st Army Region base and tried to storm the facility. The leaders must have realized that storming a military facility has a universally high probability of provoking the use of deadly force. The Thai military however, dispersed the protesters with water cannons and rubber bullets.
The bizarre "blood" drawing protest preceding the April 10, 2010 gunfight.
The decision was made to disperse the protesters at Bangkok's "Democracy Monument" that night. After nightfall, riot troops and protesters faced off in close quarters before troops began to advance while firing blanks into the air. A similar operation a year earlier led by the same commanding officer, Colonel Romklao,dispersed protesters without fatalities (the only fatalities were two civilians gunned down by protesters). This time around, intent on a bloodbath, a group of mysterious gunmen intervened with a combination of grenade attacks and sniper fire that killed Colonel Romklao and 6 other soldiers. Troops immediately fell back in disarray while protesters were divided in confusion and adulation. The mystery gunmen weaved through the protesters firing sporadically at Thai troops who returned fire. In total, 23 would died.
The initial grenade and sniper attack, explained accurately by France24. Indeed soldiers were firing back as they withdrew. For a more detailed look from the protesters' side,please watch the Thaifaq 5 part video series covering the April 10 incident.
CNN's coverage: Despite other admissions in foreign press from protest leaders themselves, CNN leaves viewers with an intentionally ambiguous message. CNN's biased reporting should come as no surprise, but when called on it by an outpouring of anger from the Thai public they conceded that indeed there were armed elements amongst the protesters.
Aljazeera footage featuring the "mystery gunmen" with AK-47s.
The protesters were entirely unaware of the gambit, while security guards amongst the protesters appear to have been given compartmentalized orders to keep the protesters kettled in before the attack came. It is unlikely that even the security guards knew the attack was coming, as many immediately rushed in to protect fallen soldiers from aggressive protesters, while gun battles continued elsewhere. There were also most likely members of the militant group amongst the protesters directing fire toward Colonel Romklao and his command unit, as laser markers were seen fixated on the soldiers right before the incoming sniper fire hit.CNN's coverage: Despite other admissions in foreign press from protest leaders themselves, CNN leaves viewers with an intentionally ambiguous message. CNN's biased reporting should come as no surprise, but when called on it by an outpouring of anger from the Thai public they conceded that indeed there were armed elements amongst the protesters.
Aljazeera footage featuring the "mystery gunmen" with AK-47s.
It was quite clear a highly trained, well prepared third party was involved, and unlike in Syria and Yemen where few foreigners venture and fewer cameras seem to be sending back footage, both foreign and domestic, amateur and professional footage caught the melee on tape. Initial blanket denials by protest leaders quickly became piecemeal confessions as footage of these "men in black" filtered out.
International spokesman for the protesters, Sean Boonpracong, told Reuters elements of the army were with their movement, including the black-clad mystery gunmen that took part in the April 10 bloodbath. He stated, "They are a secret unit within the army that disagrees with what's going on. Without them, the black clad men, there would have been a whole lot more deaths and injuries." The suspected leader of these gunmen, renegade general Khattiya Sawasdipol, known as "Seh Daeng," further damned earlier denials by admitting to commanding 300 armed men trained for ''close encounters'' and carrying M79 grenade launchers, before withdrawing his comment in later interviews.
From April 10, until the widespread arson that marked the end of the protests on May 19, daily and nightly gun battles, grenade attacks, and sniper fire would claim the lives of 91 people. This included 9 soldiers and police, a woman killed by an M79 grenade attack, and at least one protester who died of smoke inhalation while looting a building fellow protesters lit ablaze. The remaining 80 deaths included journalists, bystanders, medical workers, and protesters caught in crossfire. While protester to this day attempt to portray these events as a massacre of "91 protesters," it is quite clear that the military was up against an armed wing working amongst the protesters, admitted by members of the protest leadership themselves.
To explain why such a bloodbath was necessary, Sean Boonpracong after admitting the mystery gunmen were working on his movement's behalf, gave another breathtaking confession in an April 24th interview. When asked why protest leaders had turned down a government offer to hold fresh elections in 9 months, he responded by saying that after the April 10 incident they felt Prime Minister Abhisit's hands were "tainted with blood" and that it would be best if the Thai Parliament was dissolved. He continued by stating the protest's demands had changed to immediate dissolution as well as PM Abhisit's leaving the country.
After admitting an armed wing participated in the April 10 bloodbath protest spokesman Sean Boonpracong gives us insight into the rationale behind the highly orchestrated carnage that took place that night.
If these demands sound familiar, that is because they are the same exact demands made by every single globalist-funded, fueled, and directed color revolution, starting with Eastern Europe's Orange and Rose revolutions, the current "Arab Spring," and now of course the red shirt revolution in Thailand. The Thai government ultimately refused these ochlocratic demands and restored order to the country.Conclusion
Quite clearly, through this vivid example complete with brazen admissions, we can see how "mystery gunmen" fit into the overall mechanics of a color revolution. Their violence serves two purposes; to create enough chaos and bloodshed to force a government to step down, or to justify escalating anger and violence amongst the unsuspecting regular rank and file protesters. In Syria, we see these mystery gunmen fulfilling just this role. In Thailand, red shirt leaders have warned often that should the government fail to yield to their demands, a guerrilla war might begin. As we have seen in Libya and the Ivory Coast that is the next logical step, with foreign intervention not far behind.
Color revolutions are like micro-nations unto themselves. They have their own leadership, support base, ideology, and finances. Just as a nation's leadership exploits its soldiers as pawns toward personal gain, so too do color revolutions. Just as the soldier is unwittingly sent into harms way, so too are these protesters. Would they suspect their leadership of drawing them into a trap for personal gain? Could these "rights activists" who are on record being funded and directed by foreign interests in Syria be leading their followers into trap after trap to increase the cycle of violence to a crescendo capable of ousting Assad from power? It certainly appears that way. As Bangkok's mystery gunmen have proven, it is certainly not without precedence.
Understanding the components of the globalists' color revolution makes it more difficult for them to foist it upon local populations as well as pass it off throughout international media. At the very least, by understanding how they work, we ensure we never fall prey to this deadly, nefarious gambit. Real solutions don't spring forth from a ballot box, the destruction of our cities, or a protest placard. They are derived through education, self-sufficiency, and pragmatic, technical solutions. People should resist the urge to be politicized and divided and instead focus on building up their local communities on a foundation of economic and political independence. Ultimately by doing this, we can prevent entirely the grotesque spectcles now unfolding from Tunisia to Thailand.
Tony Cartalucci - Land Destroyer